儒教

Hashtags #儒教

儒教用語et教義

儒教はルイズムとしても知られ、古代中国に端を発する思考と行動のシステムです。伝統、哲学、宗教、人道的または合理的宗教、統治の方法、または単に生き方としてさまざまに説明されている[1]儒教は、後に中国人の教えから諸子百家と呼ばれたものから発展しました哲学者の 孔子(紀元前551年から479年)。

孔子廟江陰市無錫江蘇省。これは 文庙wénmiào)、つまり孔子廟Wéndì、「文化の神」文帝)として崇拝されて いる寺院 です。
ゲイツ wénmiào大同山西省

孔子自身から継承された文化的価値の送信考え(C。2070から1600 BCE)、シャン(C。1600から1046 BCE)と周王朝(C。1046から256 BCE)。[2]儒教は、中に抑制しLegalistと独裁秦王朝(221から206 BCE)が、生き残りました。中ハン王朝(206 BCE-220 CE)、孔子は「プロト道教」アウトエッジアプローチ黄老思想を皇帝は、律法主義の現実技術との両方を混合しながら、正式なイデオロギーとして。[3]

儒教の復活は唐王朝(618–907 CE)の間に始まりました。唐後期、儒教は仏教道教に対応して発展し、新儒教として再定式化されました。この再活性化された形式は、宋王朝(960–1297)の学者公式クラスの科挙と中核哲学の基礎として採用されました。1905年の試験制度の廃止は、公式の儒教の終わりを示しました。20世紀初頭の新文化運動の知識人たちは、儒教を中国の弱点のせいにした。彼らは儒教の教えに代わる新しい教義を探しました。これらの新しいイデオロギーの一部は、「含ま三人の原則の確立と」中国の共和国、その後、毛沢東思想をもと中華人民共和国。20世紀後半、儒教の労働倫理東アジア経済の台頭と見なされてきました。[3]

家族の重要性に特に重点を置いて社会の調和ではなく、精神的な値の別世界ソースに、[4]儒教のコアである人間。[5]によるとハーバート・フィンガレット『について哲学的システムとしての儒教のの概念化世俗として神聖』、[6]は儒教は人間の生命、特にヒトrelationships-の通常の活動を考慮し、宗教とヒューマニズムの間の二分法を超越します神聖の現れとして、[7]彼らは人類の道徳的な性質(の表現であるため、 に超越の足場を持っている)、天国( )。[8]天が神性のカテゴリに重なるいくつかの特性を有し、それは主に人間味の 絶対原理ように、DAO)またはブラフマン。儒教は、ティアンのこの世俗的な認識によって与えられる実際的な秩序に焦点を当てています。[9] [7]儒教の典礼(と呼ばれる RU、または時々中国語(簡体字):正统;伝統的な中国:正統;ピンイン:zhèngtǒng、 '意味orthopraxy ')儒教僧侶や"儀式の賢人"(率いるの礼生;禮生; lǐshēng)公的および先祖代々の中国の寺院で神々を崇拝することは、特定の機会に、儒教の宗教団体によって、そして市民の宗教儀式のために、道教または人気のある儀式よりも好まれます。[10]

儒教の世俗的な懸念は、人間は基本的に善良であり、個人的および共同の努力、特に自己修養と自己創造を通じて、教えられ、改善され、そして完璧であるという信念に基づいています。儒教の思想は、道徳的に組織化された世界での美徳の育成に焦点を当てています。基本的な儒教の倫理的概念と実践のいくつかには、rén、およびzhìが含まれます。RENは、「慈悲」または「人道」)は、人間の思いやりとして現れるの本質です。それは天国の美徳の形です。[11] ;)は、義を支持し、善を行う道徳的傾向です。;)は、人が天の法則と調和して日常生活の中でどのように適切に行動すべきかを決定する儀式の規範と妥当性のシステムです。Zhì)は、他の人が示した行動の中で、何が正しく公正であるか、またはその逆を見る能力です。儒教は、枢機卿の道徳的価値観守るために失敗のために、受動的または能動的に、軽蔑に1を保持しているRENYIを

伝統的に、東アジアの文化圏の文化や国は、中国本土、台湾、香港、マカオ、韓国、日本、ベトナム、そして主に漢民族が定住するシンガポールなどのさまざまな地域を含む儒教の影響を強く受けています。。今日では、東アジアの社会や華僑のコミュニティ、そしてある程度はアジアの他の地域を形成したことで知られています。[12] [13]過去数十年の間に、学界および学界で「儒教の復活」の話があり[14] [15]、さまざまな種類の儒教の教会が草の根で急増しました。[16] 2015年後半、多くの儒教徒の人物が、多くの儒教の会衆と市民社会組織を統合するために、中国に全国の聖儒教教会(孔圣会;孔聖會; Kǒngshènghuì)を正式に設立しました。

小さなシール
書記素儒rúの古いバージョンは、 「学者」、「洗練されたもの」、「儒教」を意味します。それから構成されている REN(「人」)と XU自体はからなる、(「待つ」) (「雨」、「命令」)および ERグラフ(「空」)、下の「男雨"。その完全な意味は「天からの指示を受ける人」です。康有為、胡適、 八尾新中に よると 、彼らは殷の儀式と天文学、そして後に周王朝の公式のシャーマン僧侶( wu)の専門家でした。 [17]

厳密に言えば、中国語には「儒教」に直接対応する用語はありません。中国語では、「学者」または「学んだ」または「洗練された人」を意味する文字 は、儒教に関連するものを指すために過去と現在の両方で一般的に使用されます。古代中国の文字にはさまざまな意味がありました。例としては、「飼いならす」、「型を作る」、「教育する」、「洗練する」などがあります。[18]190–197いくつかの異なる用語があり、そのうちのいくつかは現代に由来し、次のような儒教のさまざまな側面を表すためにさまざまな状況で使用されます。

  • 儒家; Rújiā– ruスクールオブソート」;
  • 儒教; Rújiào– ru教義」の意味での「 ru宗教」。
  • 儒学;儒學; Rúxué - "Ruology"または" RUの学習"。
  • 孔教; Kǒngjiào–「孔子の教義」;
  • 孔家店Kǒngjiādiàn–「コングファミリーのビジネス」、新文化運動と文化大革命で使用される蔑称。

それらのうちの3つはrúを使用します。これらの名前は「孔子」という名前をまったく使用していませんが、代わりに儒教徒の男性の理想に焦点を当てています。「儒教」という用語の使用は、代わりに「Ruism」と「Ruists」を好む一部の現代の学者によって避けられてきました。ロバート・イーノは、この用語は「曖昧さと無関係な伝統的な関連性で負担されている」と主張しています。彼が述べているように、儒教は学校の元の中国名により忠実です。[18]7

よる周有光、 RU元々保持儀式のシャーマニズムの方法と呼ばれ、孔子の時代の前に存在していたが、孔子と、それは人々に文明をもたらすために、このような教えを伝播する平均献身に来ました。儒教は孔子によって始められ、孟子(西暦前372年から289年頃)によって開発され、後の世代に受け継がれ、設立以来絶え間ない変革と再構築を経てきましたが、人道と正義の原則を中核に保っています。[19]

四書五経五經Wǔjīng)と儒教のビジョン

孔子からフレスコ画で 前漢で墓 東平、 山東省

伝統的に、孔子はの著者や編集者であると考えられていた五クラシックス儒教の基本的な文章でした。学者のYaoXinzhongは、儒教の古典が孔子の手によって形作られたと信じるに足る理由があるが、「古典の初期のバージョンに関しては当然のこととは言えない」と認めています。八尾教授は、おそらく今日のほとんどの学者は、孔子と彼の信奉者が古典のシステムを作成するつもりはなかったが、「彼らの形成に貢献した」という「実用的な」見解を持っていると言います。いずれにせよ、過去2、000年間のほとんどの間、孔子がこれらのテキストを書いたか編集したと信じられていたことは論争の余地がありません。[20]

学者の杜維明は、これらの古典を儒教の発展の根底にある「5つのビジョン」を具体化したものとして説明しています。

  • 易経や変更のクラシックや変更の書籍、一般的に古典の最も初期のように開催されたが、秘術技術と倫理的な洞察力と予言芸術を組み合わせた形而上学的なビジョンを示しています。変化の哲学は、宇宙を陰と陽の2つのエネルギー間の相互作用と見なしています。宇宙は常に生物の統一とダイナミズムを示しています。
  • Classic ofPoetryまたはBookof Songsは、中国の詩と歌の最も初期のアンソロジーです。それは、詩と音楽が共通の人間の感情と相互の反応を伝えるという信念の詩的なビジョンを示しています。
  • 書経や歴史の本の主要人物のスピーチのコンパイルと古代のイベントの記録は、人道的政府のための倫理的基盤の面で政治的ビジョンとアドレス王の道を体現しています。文書には、八尾、俊、悠の聡明さ、親孝行、労働倫理が示されています。彼らは責任と信頼に基づく政治文化を確立しました。彼らの美徳は、罰や強制に依存しない社会的調和の契約を形成しました。
  • Book of Ritesは、周王朝の社会的形態、行政、儀式について説明しています。この社会的ビジョンは、社会を契約関係に基づく敵対的システムとしてではなく、社会的責任に基づく信頼の共同体として定義しました。4つの機能の職業は、協同組合(農民、学者、職人、商人)です。
  • 春秋時代は、その名前が付けられた時期、春秋時代(西暦前771〜476年)を記録しており、これらのイベントは、共同体の自己識別のための集合的記憶の重要性を強調しています。新着。[21]

理論と神学

周王朝のティアンの書記素の口頭版で 、北の天の極から情報を得た頭を持つ男を表してい ます[22]。

儒教は、個人の自己と天の神 天天)の一致の追求、または言い換えれば、人類と天国の関係を中心に展開します。[9] [23]天国( またはDào )の原則は、創造の順序であり、その構造において一元論的な神の権威の源です。[23]個人は、そのような秩序を熟考することによって、自分の人間性を認識し、天国と一体になることができます。[23]この自己の変容は、家族や社会にまで拡大され、調和のとれた受託者コミュニティを生み出す可能性があります。[23] JoëlThoravalは、儒教を現代中国の拡散した市民宗教として研究し、それが5つの宇宙論的実体、天と地(Di )、主権者または政府(jūn )、祖先(jūn)の広範な崇拝に表れていることを発見しました。qīn )とマスター(shī )。[24]

天国は、一時的な世界にすでに存在しているものではありません。学者によるとステファンFeuchtwang、単に儒教しかしすべてで共有されていない中国の宇宙論で中国の宗教、(「宇宙は、材料、エネルギーの主要な混乱の自分自身を作成し、」渾沌 混沌 の極性によって整理します)あらゆるものと人生を特徴付ける陰と陽。したがって、作成は継続的な注文です。それはニヒロからの創造物ではありません「陰と陽は目に見えないものと見えるもの、受容的で活発なもの、形のないものと形のあるものです。それらは年周期(冬と夏)、風景(日陰と明るい)、性別(女性と男性)、そして社会政治的歴史(無秩序と秩序)でさえ。儒教主義は、世界のあらゆる新しい構成において陰と陽の間の「中間の道」を見つけることに関係しています。[25]

儒教は、「内なる賢さと外の王性」の理想に統合された、精神的耕作の内的極性と外的極性の両方、つまり自己修養と世界の贖いを調和させます。[23] REN、「人道」や人間の適切な本質として翻訳、思いやりの心の文字があります。それは天国によって授けられた美徳であると同時に、人が天国での彼自身の起源、したがって神の本質を理解することで天国との一体性を達成することができる手段です。で大同SHU大同书;大同書)には、「すべてのものを1体を形成する」と「自己と他者が分離されていないとき...同情を喚起される」と定義されます。[11]

ティアンと神々

以下のような他の記号等 sauwastika[26] WAN(「すべてのもの」)中国語を、 メソポタミア𒀭 Dingir / アン(「天国」)、 [27] 、また、中国語 WU(「シャーマン」;で シャンクロスポテンシーで表されるスクリプト ☩)、 [28]ティアンは、北極の極( 北極Běijí)、ピボット、回転する星座のある空の丸天井を指し ます。 [29]ここでの近似表現である 天門天門(「天国の門」) [30]または Tiānshū天樞(「天国のピボット」) [31]との歳差北天の極として αUrsae Minorisとして ポール星、時間の4つのフェーズで回転する チャリオットの星座。レザAssasiの理論によれば、 ワンのみαUrsae Minorisの電流歳差極の中心になくてもよいが、また非常に近い北に 黄道極場合 ドラコ( 天龍は天龙)は、その2つのビームの一つとして考えられます。 [32] [注1]

ティエン)、中国の重要な概念は、天の神を意味し、思った空の北部culmenとそのスピニング星、[29]地上の自然と「天と地」へ天国から来たその法律、(つまり、「すべてのもの」)、そして人間の制御を超えた畏怖の念を起こさせる力に。[33]中国語には非常に多くの用途があり、英語に1つの翻訳を与えることは不可能です。[34]

孔子はこの用語を神秘的な方法で使用しました。[35]彼はアナレクツ(7.23)に、ティアンが彼に命を与え、ティアンが見守り、判断した(6.28; 9.12)と書いた。9.5で孔子は人が天の動きを知っているかもしれないと言います、そしてこれは宇宙の中で特別な場所を持っているという感覚を提供します。17.19で孔子は、言葉ではありませんが、天が彼に話しかけたと言います。学者のロニー・リトルジョンは、ティアンは、異世界的または超越的な創造者という意味で、アブラハムの信仰に匹敵する個人的な神として解釈されるべきではないと警告しています。[36]むしろ、道教徒がダオによって意味したものに似ている:「物事のあり方」または「世界の規則性」[33]ステファン・フクトワンは古代ギリシャの物理学の概念、世代としての「自然」と同一視しているそして物事と道徳的秩序の再生。[37]天はまた、ヒンドゥー教やヴェーダの伝統のブラフマンと比較されるかもしれません。[9]学者のプロミス・スーは、ロバート・B・ルーデンをきっかけに、17:19を説明した(「ティアンは今まで何と言ったのか。それでも、四季があり、百のことが起こっている。ティアンは何と言っているのか」 ? ")天は「話す人」ではありませんが、自然のリズムを通して常に「行い」、少なくとも注意深く学んだ人には「人間はどのように生き、行動すべきか」を伝えます。それを聞きなさい。[35]

Zigong, a disciple of Confucius, said that Tian had set the master on the path to become a wise man (9.6). In 7.23 Confucius says that he has no doubt left that the Tian gave him life, and from it he had developed right virtue ( ). In 8.19 he says that the lives of the sages are interwoven with Tian.[34]

Regarding personal gods (shén, energies who emanate from and reproduce the Tian) enliving nature, in the Analects Confucius says that it is appropriate (; ; ) for people to worship ( jìng) them,[38] though through proper rites (; ; ), implying respect of positions and discretion.[38] Confucius himself was a ritual and sacrificial master.[39] Answering to a disciple who asked whether it is better to sacrifice to the god of the stove or to the god of the family (a popular saying), in 3.13 Confucius says that in order to appropriately pray gods one should first know and respect Heaven. In 3.12 he explains that religious rituals produce meaningful experiences,[40] and one has to offer sacrifices in person, acting in presence, otherwise "it is the same as not having sacrificed at all". Rites and sacrifices to the gods have an ethical importance: they generate good life, because taking part in them leads to the overcoming of the self.[41] Analects 10.11 tells that Confucius always took a small part of his food and placed it on the sacrificial bowls as an offering to his ancestors.[39]

Other movements, such as Mohism which was later absorbed by Taoism, developed a more theistic idea of Heaven.[42] Feuchtwang explains that the difference between Confucianism and Taoism primarily lies in the fact that the former focuses on the realisation of the starry order of Heaven in human society, while the latter on the contemplation of the Dao which spontaneously arises in nature.[37]

Social morality and ethics

Worship at the Great Temple of Lord Zhang Hui ( 张挥公大殿Zhāng Huī gōng dàdiàn), the cathedral ancestral shrine of the Zhang lineage corporation, at their ancestral home in Qinghe, Hebei
Ancestral temple of the Zeng lineage and Houxian village cultural centre, Cangnan, Zhejiang

As explained by Stephan Feuchtwang, the order coming from Heaven preserves the world, and has to be followed by humanity finding a "middle way" between yin and yang forces in each new configuration of reality. Social harmony or morality is identified as patriarchy, which is expressed in the worship of ancestors and deified progenitors in the male line, at ancestral shrines.[37]

Confucian ethical codes are described as humanistic.[5] They may be practiced by all the members of a society. Confucian ethics is characterised by the promotion of virtues, encompassed by the Five Constants, Wǔcháng (五常) in Chinese, elaborated by Confucian scholars out of the inherited tradition during the Han dynasty.[43] The Five Constants are:[43]

  • Rén (, benevolence, humaneness);
  • (; , righteousness or justice);
  • (; , proper rite);
  • Zhì (, knowledge);
  • Xìn (, integrity).

These are accompanied by the classical Sìzì (四字), that singles out four virtues, one of which is included among the Five Constants:

  • Zhōng (, loyalty);
  • Xiào (, filial piety);
  • Jié (; , continence/fidelity);
  • (; , righteousness).

There are still many other elements, such as chéng (; , honesty), shù (, kindness and forgiveness), lián (, honesty and cleanness), chǐ (; , shame, judge and sense of right and wrong), yǒng (, bravery), wēn (; , kind and gentle), liáng (, good, kindhearted), gōng (, respectful, reverent), jiǎn (; , frugal), ràng (; , modestly, self-effacing).

Humaneness

Rén (Chinese: ) is the Confucian virtue denoting the good feeling a virtuous human experiences when being altruistic. It is exemplified by a normal adult's protective feelings for children. It is considered the essence of the human being, endowed by Heaven, and at the same time the means by which man may act according to the principle of Heaven (天理, Tiān lǐ) and become one with it.[11]

Yán Huí, Confucius's most outstanding student, once asked his master to describe the rules of rén and Confucius replied, "one should see nothing improper, hear nothing improper, say nothing improper, do nothing improper."[44] Confucius also defined rén in the following way: "wishing to be established himself, seeks also to establish others; wishing to be enlarged himself, he seeks also to enlarge others."[45]

Another meaning of rén is "not to do to others as you would not wish done to yourself."[46] Confucius also said, "rén is not far off; he who seeks it has already found it." Rén is close to man and never leaves him.

Rite and centring

Temple of Confucius in Dujiangyan, Chengdu, Sichuan
Korean Confucian rite in Jeju

Li (; ) is a classical Chinese word which finds its most extensive use in Confucian and post-Confucian Chinese philosophy. Li is variously translated as "rite" or "reason," "ratio" in the pure sense of Vedic ṛta ("right," "order") when referring to the cosmic law, but when referring to its realisation in the context of human social behaviour it has also been translated as "customs", "measures" and "rules", among other terms. Li also means religious rites which establish relations between humanity and the gods.

According to Stephan Feuchtwang, rites are conceived as "what makes the invisible visible", making possible for humans to cultivate the underlying order of nature. Correctly performed rituals move society in alignment with earthly and heavenly (astral) forces, establishing the harmony of the three realms—Heaven, Earth and humanity. This practice is defined as "centring" ( yāng or zhōng). Among all things of creation, humans themselves are "central" because they have the ability to cultivate and centre natural forces.[47]

Li embodies the entire web of interaction between humanity, human objects, and nature. Confucius includes in his discussions of li such diverse topics as learning, tea drinking, titles, mourning, and governance. Xunzi cites "songs and laughter, weeping and lamentation... rice and millet, fish and meat... the wearing of ceremonial caps, embroidered robes, and patterned silks, or of fasting clothes and mourning clothes... spacious rooms and secluded halls, soft mats, couches and benches" as vital parts of the fabric of li.

Confucius envisioned proper government being guided by the principles of li. Some Confucians proposed that all human beings may pursue perfection by learning and practising li. Overall, Confucians believe that governments should place more emphasis on li and rely much less on penal punishment when they govern.

Loyalty

Loyalty (, zhōng) is particularly relevant for the social class to which most of Confucius's students belonged, because the most important way for an ambitious young scholar to become a prominent official was to enter a ruler's civil service.

Confucius himself did not propose that "might makes right," but rather that a superior should be obeyed because of his moral rectitude. In addition, loyalty does not mean subservience to authority. This is because reciprocity is demanded from the superior as well. As Confucius stated "a prince should employ his minister according to the rules of propriety; ministers should serve their prince with faithfulness (loyalty)."[48]

Similarly, Mencius also said that "when the prince regards his ministers as his hands and feet, his ministers regard their prince as their belly and heart; when he regards them as his dogs and horses, they regard him as another man; when he regards them as the ground or as grass, they regard him as a robber and an enemy."[49] Moreover, Mencius indicated that if the ruler is incompetent, he should be replaced. If the ruler is evil, then the people have the right to overthrow him.[50] A good Confucian is also expected to remonstrate with his superiors when necessary.[51] At the same time, a proper Confucian ruler should also accept his ministers' advice, as this will help him govern the realm better.

In later ages, however, emphasis was often placed more on the obligations of the ruled to the ruler, and less on the ruler's obligations to the ruled. Like filial piety, loyalty was often subverted by the autocratic regimes in China. Nonetheless, throughout the ages, many Confucians continued to fight against unrighteous superiors and rulers. Many of these Confucians suffered and sometimes died because of their conviction and action.[52] During the Ming-Qing era, prominent Confucians such as Wang Yangming promoted individuality and independent thinking as a counterweight to subservience to authority.[53] The famous thinker Huang Zongxi also strongly criticised the autocratic nature of the imperial system and wanted to keep imperial power in check.[54]

Many Confucians also realised that loyalty and filial piety have the potential of coming into conflict with one another. This may be true especially in times of social chaos, such as during the period of the Ming-Qing transition.[55]

Filial piety

Fourteenth of The Twenty-four Filial Exemplars

In Confucian philosophy, filial piety (, xiào) is a virtue of respect for one's parents and ancestors, and of the hierarchies within society: father–son, elder–junior and male–female.[37] The Confucian classic Xiaojing ("Book of Piety"), thought to be written around the Qin-Han period, has historically been the authoritative source on the Confucian tenet of xiào. The book, a conversation between Confucius and his disciple Zeng Shen, is about how to set up a good society using the principle of xiào.[56]

In more general terms, filial piety means to be good to one's parents; to take care of one's parents; to engage in good conduct not just towards parents but also outside the home so as to bring a good name to one's parents and ancestors; to perform the duties of one's job well so as to obtain the material means to support parents as well as carry out sacrifices to the ancestors; not be rebellious; show love, respect and support; the wife in filial piety must obey her husband absolutely and take care of the whole family wholeheartedly. display courtesy; ensure male heirs, uphold fraternity among brothers; wisely advise one's parents, including dissuading them from moral unrighteousness, for blindly following the parents' wishes is not considered to be xiao; display sorrow for their sickness and death; and carry out sacrifices after their death.

Filial piety is considered a key virtue in Chinese culture, and it is the main concern of a large number of stories. One of the most famous collections of such stories is "The Twenty-four Filial Exemplars". These stories depict how children exercised their filial piety in the past. While China has always had a diversity of religious beliefs, filial piety has been common to almost all of them; historian Hugh D.R. Baker calls respect for the family the only element common to almost all Chinese believers.[57]

Relationships

Social harmony results in part from every individual knowing his or her place in the natural order, and playing his or her part well. Reciprocity or responsibility (renqing) extends beyond filial piety and involves the entire network of social relations, even the respect for rulers.[37] This is shown in the story where Duke Jing of Qi asks Confucius about government, by which he meant proper administration so as to bring social harmony.

齊景公問政於孔子。孔子對曰:君君,臣臣,父父,子子。
The duke Jing, of Qi, asked Confucius about government. Confucius replied, "There is government, when the prince is prince, and the minister is minister; when the father is father, and the son is son."

—  Analects 12.11 (Legge translation).

Particular duties arise from one's particular situation in relation to others. The individual stands simultaneously in several different relationships with different people: as a junior in relation to parents and elders, and as a senior in relation to younger siblings, students, and others. While juniors are considered in Confucianism to owe their seniors reverence, seniors also have duties of benevolence and concern toward juniors. The same is true with the husband and wife relationship where the husband needs to show benevolence towards his wife and the wife needs to respect the husband in return. This theme of mutuality still exists in East Asian cultures even to this day.

The Five Bonds are: ruler to ruled, father to son, husband to wife, elder brother to younger brother, friend to friend. Specific duties were prescribed to each of the participants in these sets of relationships. Such duties are also extended to the dead, where the living stand as sons to their deceased family. The only relationship where respect for elders isn't stressed was the friend to friend relationship, where mutual equal respect is emphasised instead. All these duties take the practical form of prescribed rituals, for instance wedding and death rituals.[37]

Junzi

The junzi (君子, jūnzǐ, "lord's son") is a Chinese philosophical term often translated as "gentleman" or "superior person"[58] and employed by Confucius in the Analects to describe the ideal man.

In Confucianism, the sage or wise is the ideal personality; however, it is very hard to become one of them. Confucius created the model of junzi, gentleman, which may be achieved by any individual. Later, Zhu Xi defined junzi as second only to the sage. There are many characteristics of the junzi: he may live in poverty, he does more and speaks less, he is loyal, obedient and knowledgeable. The junzi disciplines himself. Ren is fundamental to become a junzi.[59]

As the potential leader of a nation, a son of the ruler is raised to have a superior ethical and moral position while gaining inner peace through his virtue. To Confucius, the junzi sustained the functions of government and social stratification through his ethical values. Despite its literal meaning, any righteous man willing to improve himself may become a junzi.

On the contrary, the xiaoren (小人, xiăorén, "small or petty person") does not grasp the value of virtues and seeks only immediate gains. The petty person is egotistic and does not consider the consequences of his action in the overall scheme of things. Should the ruler be surrounded by xiaoren as opposed to junzi, his governance and his people will suffer due to their small-mindness. Examples of such xiaoren individuals may range from those who continually indulge in sensual and emotional pleasures all day to the politician who is interested merely in power and fame; neither sincerely aims for the long-term benefit of others.

The junzi enforces his rule over his subjects by acting virtuously himself. It is thought that his pure virtue would lead others to follow his example. The ultimate goal is that the government behaves much like a family, the junzi being a beacon of filial piety.

Rectification of names

Priest paying homage to Confucius's tablet, c. 1900

Confucius believed that social disorder often stemmed from failure to perceive, understand, and deal with reality. Fundamentally, then, social disorder may stem from the failure to call things by their proper names, and his solution to this was zhèngmíng (正名; zhèngmíng; 'rectification of terms'). He gave an explanation of zhengming to one of his disciples.

Zi-lu said, "The vassal of Wei has been waiting for you, in order with you to administer the government. What will you consider the first thing to be done?"
The Master replied, "What is necessary to rectify names."
"So! indeed!" said Zi-lu. "You are wide off the mark! Why must there be such rectification?"
The Master said, "How uncultivated you are, Yu! The superior man [Junzi] cannot care about the everything, just as he cannot go to check all himself!
        If names be not correct, language is not in accordance with the truth of things.
        If language be not in accordance with the truth of things, affairs cannot be carried on to success.
        When affairs cannot be carried on to success, proprieties and music do not flourish.
        When proprieties and music do not flourish, punishments will not be properly awarded.
        When punishments are not properly awarded, the people do not know how to move hand or foot.
Therefore a superior man considers it necessary that the names he uses may be spoken appropriately, and also that what he speaks may be carried out appropriately. What the superior man requires is just that in his words there may be nothing incorrect."
(Analects XIII, 3, tr. Legge)

Xun Zi chapter (22) "On the Rectification of Names" claims the ancient sage-kings chose names (; míng) that directly corresponded with actualities (; shí), but later generations confused terminology, coined new nomenclature, and thus could no longer distinguish right from wrong. Since social harmony is of utmost importance, without the proper rectification of names, society would essentially crumble and "undertakings [would] not [be] completed."[60]

The dragon is one of the oldest symbols of Chinese religious culture. It symbolises the supreme godhead, Di or Tian, at the north ecliptic pole, around which it coils itself as the homonymous constellation. It is a symbol of the "protean" supreme power which has in itself both yin and yang. [61]
Birth places of notable Chinese philosophers of the Hundred Schools of Thought in Zhou dynasty. Confucians are marked by triangles in dark red.

According to He Guanghu, Confucianism may be identified as a continuation of the Shang-Zhou (~1600–256 BCE) official religion, or the Chinese aboriginal religion which has lasted uninterrupted for three thousand years.[62] Both the dynasties worshipped the supreme godhead, called Shangdi (上帝 "Highest Deity") or simply () by the Shang and Tian ( "Heaven") by the Zhou. Shangdi was conceived as the first ancestor of the Shang royal house,[63] an alternate name for him being the "Supreme Progenitor" (上甲 Shàngjiǎ).[64] In Shang theology, the multiplicity of gods of nature and ancestors were viewed as parts of Di, and the four fāng ("directions" or "sides") and their fēng ("winds") as his cosmic will.[65] With the Zhou dynasty, which overthrew the Shang, the name for the supreme godhead became Tian ( "Heaven").[63] While the Shang identified Shangdi as their ancestor-god to assert their claim to power by divine right, the Zhou transformed this claim into a legitimacy based on moral power, the Mandate of Heaven. In Zhou theology, Tian had no singular earthly progeny, but bestowed divine favour on virtuous rulers. Zhou kings declared that their victory over the Shang was because they were virtuous and loved their people, while the Shang were tyrants and thus were deprived of power by Tian.[2]

John C. Didier and David Pankenier relate the shapes of both the ancient Chinese characters for Di and Tian to the patterns of stars in the northern skies, either drawn, in Didier's theory by connecting the constellations bracketing the north celestial pole as a square,[66] or in Pankenier's theory by connecting some of the stars which form the constellations of the Big Dipper and broader Ursa Major, and Ursa Minor (Little Dipper).[67] Cultures in other parts of the world have also conceived these stars or constellations as symbols of the origin of things, the supreme godhead, divinity and royal power.[68] The supreme godhead was also identified with the dragon, symbol of unlimited power (qi),[63] of the "protean" primordial power which embodies both yin and yang in unity, associated to the constellation Draco which winds around the north ecliptic pole,[61] and slithers between the Little and Big Dipper.

By the 6th century BCE the power of Tian and the symbols that represented it on earth (architecture of cities, temples, altars and ritual cauldrons, and the Zhou ritual system) became "diffuse" and claimed by different potentates in the Zhou states to legitimise economic, political, and military ambitions. Divine right no longer was an exclusive privilege of the Zhou royal house, but might be bought by anyone able to afford the elaborate ceremonies and the old and new rites required to access the authority of Tian.[69]

Besides the waning Zhou ritual system, what may be defined as "wild" ( ) traditions, or traditions "outside of the official system", developed as attempts to access the will of Tian. The population had lost faith in the official tradition, which was no longer perceived as an effective way to communicate with Heaven. The traditions of the 九野 ("Nine Fields") and of the Yijing flourished.[70] Chinese thinkers, faced with this challenge to legitimacy, diverged in a "Hundred Schools of Thought", each proposing its own theories for the reconstruction of the Zhou moral order.

Confucius (551–479 BCE) appeared in this period of political decadence and spiritual questioning. He was educated in Shang-Zhou theology, which he contributed to transmit and reformulate giving centrality to self-cultivation and agency of humans,[2] and the educational power of the self-established individual in assisting others to establish themselves (the principle of 愛人 àirén, "loving others").[71] As the Zhou reign collapsed, traditional values were abandoned resulting in a period of moral decline. Confucius saw an opportunity to reinforce values of compassion and tradition into society. Disillusioned with the widespread vulgarisation of the rituals to access Tian, he began to preach an ethical interpretation of traditional Zhou religion. In his view, the power of Tian is immanent, and responds positively to the sincere heart driven by humaneness and rightness, decency and altruism. Confucius conceived these qualities as the foundation needed to restore socio-political harmony. Like many contemporaries, Confucius saw ritual practices as efficacious ways to access Tian, but he thought that the crucial knot was the state of meditation that participants enter prior to engage in the ritual acts.[72] Confucius amended and recodified the classical books inherited from the Xia-Shang-Zhou dynasties, and composed the Spring and Autumn Annals.[19]

Philosophers in the Warring States period, both "inside the square" (focused on state-endorsed ritual) and "outside the square" (non-aligned to state ritual) built upon Confucius's legacy, compiled in the Analects, and formulated the classical metaphysics that became the lash of Confucianism. In accordance with the Master, they identified mental tranquility as the state of Tian, or the One (一 ), which in each individual is the Heaven-bestowed divine power to rule one's own life and the world. Going beyond the Master, they theorised the oneness of production and reabsorption into the cosmic source, and the possibility to understand and therefore reattain it through meditation. This line of thought would have influenced all Chinese individual and collective-political mystical theories and practices thereafter.[73]

A Temple of the God of Culture ( 文庙wénmiào) in Liuzhou, Guangxi, where Confucius is worshiped as Wéndì ( 文帝), "God of Culture"
Temple of the Filial Blessing ( 孝佑宫Xiàoyòugōng), an ancestral temple of a lineage church, in Wenzhou, Zhejiang

Since the 2000s, there has been a growing identification of the Chinese intellectual class with Confucianism.[74] In 2003, the Confucian intellectual Kang Xiaoguang published a manifesto in which he made four suggestions: Confucian education should enter official education at any level, from elementary to high school; the state should establish Confucianism as the state religion by law; Confucian religion should enter the daily life of ordinary people through standardisation and development of doctrines, rituals, organisations, churches and activity sites; the Confucian religion should be spread through non-governmental organisations.[74] Another modern proponent of the institutionalisation of Confucianism in a state church is Jiang Qing.[75]

In 2005, the Center for the Study of Confucian Religion was established,[74] and guoxue started to be implemented in public schools on all levels. Being well received by the population, even Confucian preachers have appeared on television since 2006.[74] The most enthusiastic New Confucians proclaim the uniqueness and superiority of Confucian Chinese culture, and have generated some popular sentiment against Western cultural influences in China.[74]

The idea of a "Confucian Church" as the state religion of China has roots in the thought of Kang Youwei, an exponent of the early New Confucian search for a regeneration of the social relevance of Confucianism, at a time when it was de-institutionalised with the collapse of the Qing dynasty and the Chinese empire.[76] Kang modeled his ideal "Confucian Church" after European national Christian churches, as a hierarchic and centralised institution, closely bound to the state, with local church branches, devoted to the worship and the spread of the teachings of Confucius.[76]

In contemporary China, the Confucian revival has developed into various interwoven directions: the proliferation of Confucian schools or academies (shuyuan 书院),[75] the resurgence of Confucian rites (chuántǒng lǐyí 传统礼仪),[75] and the birth of new forms of Confucian activity on the popular level, such as the Confucian communities (shèqū rúxué 社区儒学). Some scholars also consider the reconstruction of lineage churches and their ancestral temples, as well as cults and temples of natural and national gods within broader Chinese traditional religion, as part of the renewal of Confucianism.[77]

Other forms of revival are salvationist folk religious movements[78] groups with a specifically Confucian focus, or Confucian churches, for example the Yidan xuetang (一耽学堂) of Beijing,[79] the Mengmutang (孟母堂) of Shanghai,[80] Confucian Shenism (儒宗神教 Rúzōng Shénjiào) or the phoenix churches,[81] the Confucian Fellowship (儒教道坛 Rújiào Dàotán) in northern Fujian which has spread rapidly over the years after its foundation,[81] and ancestral temples of the Kong kin (the lineage of the descendants of Confucius himself) operating as Confucian-teaching churches.[80]

Also, the Hong Kong Confucian Academy, one of the direct heirs of Kang Youwei's Confucian Church, has expanded its activities to the mainland, with the construction of statues of Confucius, Confucian hospitals, restoration of temples and other activities.[82] In 2009, Zhou Beichen founded another institution which inherits the idea of Kang Youwei's Confucian Church, the Holy Hall of Confucius (孔圣堂 Kǒngshèngtáng) in Shenzhen, affiliated with the Federation of Confucian Culture of Qufu City.[83][84] It was the first of a nationwide movement of congregations and civil organisations that was unified in 2015 in the Holy Confucian Church (孔圣会 Kǒngshènghuì). The first spiritual leader of the Holy Church is the renowned scholar Jiang Qing, the founder and manager of the Yangming Confucian Abode (阳明精舍 Yángmíng jīngshě), a Confucian academy in Guiyang, Guizhou.

Chinese folk religious temples and kinship ancestral shrines may, on peculiar occasions, choose Confucian liturgy (called or 正统 zhèngtǒng, "orthopraxy") led by Confucian ritual masters (礼生 lǐshēng) to worship the gods, instead of Taoist or popular ritual.[10] "Confucian businessmen" (儒商人 rúshāngrén, also "refined businessman") is a recently rediscovered concept defining people of the economic-entrepreneurial elite who recognise their social responsibility and therefore apply Confucian culture to their business.[85]

Yushima Seidō in Bunkyō, Tokyo, Japan

子曰:為政以德,譬如北辰,居其所而眾星共之。
The Master said, "He who exercises government by means of his virtue may be compared to the north polar star, which keeps its place and all the stars turn towards it."

—  Analects 2.1 (Legge translation).

A key Confucian concept is that in order to govern others one must first govern oneself according to the universal order. When actual, the king's personal virtue (de) spreads beneficent influence throughout the kingdom. This idea is developed further in the Great Learning, and is tightly linked with the Taoist concept of wu wei (无为; 無為; wú wéi): the less the king does, the more gets done. By being the "calm center" around which the kingdom turns, the king allows everything to function smoothly and avoids having to tamper with the individual parts of the whole.

This idea may be traced back to the ancient shamanic beliefs of the king being the axle between the sky, human beings, and the Earth. The emperors of China were considered agents of Heaven, endowed with the Mandate of Heaven. They hold the power to define the hierarchy of divinities, by bestowing titles upon mountains, rivers and dead people, acknowledging them as powerful and therefore establishing their cults.[86]

Confucianism, despite supporting the importance of obeying national authority, places this obedience under absolute moral principles that curbed the willful exercise of power, rather than being unconditional. Submission to authority (tsun wang) was only taken within the context of the moral obligations that rulers had toward their subjects, in particular benevolence (jen). From the earliest periods of Confucianism, the Right of revolution against tyranny was always recognised by Confucianism, including the most pro-authoritarian scholars such as Xunzi.[87]

子曰:有教無類。
The Master said: "In teaching, there should be no distinction of classes."

—  Analects 15.39 (Legge translation).

Although Confucius claimed that he never invented anything but was only transmitting ancient knowledge (Analects 7.1), he did produce a number of new ideas. Many European and American admirers such as Voltaire and Herrlee G. Creel point to the revolutionary idea of replacing nobility of blood with nobility of virtue. Jūnzǐ (君子, lit. "lord's child"), which originally signified the younger, non-inheriting, offspring of a noble, became, in Confucius's work, an epithet having much the same meaning and evolution as the English "gentleman."

A virtuous commoner who cultivates his qualities may be a "gentleman", while a shameless son of the king is only a "small man." That he admitted students of different classes as disciples is a clear demonstration that he fought against the feudal structures that defined pre-imperial Chinese society.

Another new idea, that of meritocracy, led to the introduction of the imperial examination system in China. This system allowed anyone who passed an examination to become a government officer, a position which would bring wealth and honour to the whole family. The Chinese imperial examination system started in the Sui dynasty. Over the following centuries the system grew until finally almost anyone who wished to become an official had to prove his worth by passing a set of written government examinations. The practice of meritocracy still exists across China and East Asia today.

In 17th-century Europe

Life and Works of Confucius, by Prospero Intorcetta, 1687

The works of Confucius were translated into European languages through the agency of Jesuit missionaries stationed in China.[note 2] Matteo Ricci was among the very earliest to report on the thoughts of Confucius, and father Prospero Intorcetta wrote about the life and works of Confucius in Latin in 1687.[88]

Translations of Confucian texts influenced European thinkers of the period,[89] particularly among the Deists and other philosophical groups of the Enlightenment who were interested by the integration of the system of morality of Confucius into Western civilization.[88][90]

Confucianism influenced the German philosopher Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz, who was attracted to the philosophy because of its perceived similarity to his own. It is postulated that certain elements of Leibniz's philosophy, such as "simple substance" and "preestablished harmony," were borrowed from his interactions with Confucianism.[89] The French philosopher Voltaire was also influenced by Confucius, seeing the concept of Confucian rationalism as an alternative to Christian dogma.[91] He praised Confucian ethics and politics, portraying the sociopolitical hierarchy of China as a model for Europe.[91]

Confucius has no interest in falsehood; he did not pretend to be prophet; he claimed no inspiration; he taught no new religion; he used no delusions; flattered not the emperor under whom he lived...

—  Voltaire[91]

On Islamic thought

From the late 17th century onwards a whole body of literature known as the Han Kitab developed amongst the Hui Muslims of China who infused Islamic thought with Confucianism. Especially the works of Liu Zhi such as Tiānfāng Diǎnlǐ(天方典禮) sought to harmonise Islam with not only Confucianism but also with Taoism and is considered to be one of the crowning achievements of the Chinese Islamic culture.[92]

In modern times

Important military and political figures in modern Chinese history continued to be influenced by Confucianism, like the Muslim warlord Ma Fuxiang.[93] The New Life Movement in the early 20th century was also influenced by Confucianism.

Referred to variously as the Confucian hypothesis and as a debated component of the more all-encompassing Asian Development Model, there exists among political scientists and economists a theory that Confucianism plays a large latent role in the ostensibly non-Confucian cultures of modern-day East Asia, in the form of the rigorous work ethic it endowed those cultures with. These scholars have held that, if not for Confucianism's influence on these cultures, many of the people of the East Asia region would not have been able to modernise and industrialise as quickly as Singapore, Malaysia, Hong Kong, Taiwan, Japan, South Korea and even China have done.

For example, the impact of the Vietnam War on Vietnam was devastating, but over the last few decades Vietnam has been re-developing in a very fast pace. Most scholars attribute the origins of this idea to futurologist Herman Kahn's World Economic Development: 1979 and Beyond.[94][95]

Other studies, for example Cristobal Kay's Why East Asia Overtook Latin America: Agrarian Reform, Industrialization, and Development, have attributed the Asian growth to other factors, for example the character of agrarian reforms, "state-craft" (state capacity), and interaction between agriculture and industry.[96]

On Chinese martial arts

After Confucianism had become the official 'state religion' in China, its influence penetrated all walks of life and all streams of thought in Chinese society for the generations to come. This did not exclude martial arts culture. Though in his own day, Confucius had rejected the practice of Martial Arts (with the exception of Archery), he did serve under rulers who used military power extensively to achieve their goals. In later centuries, Confucianism heavily influenced many educated martial artists of great influence, such as Sun Lutang,[citation needed] especially from the 19th century onwards, when bare-handed martial arts in China became more widespread and had begun to more readily absorb philosophical influences from Confucianism, Buddhism and Daoism. Some argue therefore that despite Confucius's disdain with martial culture, his teachings became of much relevance to it.[97]

Confucius and Confucianism were opposed or criticised from the start, including Laozi's philosophy and Mozi's critique, and Legalists such as Han Fei ridiculed the idea that virtue would lead people to be orderly. In modern times, waves of opposition and vilification showed that Confucianism, instead of taking credit for the glories of Chinese civilisation, now had to take blame for its failures. The Taiping Rebellion described Confucianism sages as well as gods in Taoism and Buddhism as devils. In the New Culture Movement, Lu Xun criticised Confucianism for shaping Chinese people into the condition they had reached by the late Qing Dynasty: his criticisms are dramatically portrayed in "A Madman's Diary," which implies that Confucian society was cannibalistic. Leftists during the Cultural Revolution described Confucius as the representative of the class of slave owners.

In South Korea, there has long been criticism. Some South Koreans believe Confucianism has not contributed to the modernisation of South Korea. For example, South Korean writer Kim Kyong-il wrote an essay[when?] entitled "Confucius Must Die For the Nation to Live" (공자가 죽어야 나라가 산다, gongjaga jug-eoya naraga sanda). Kim said that filial piety is one-sided and blind, and if it continues, social problems will continue as government keeps forcing Confucian filial obligations onto families.[98][99]

Women in Confucian thought

Confucianism "largely defined the mainstream discourse on gender in China from the Han dynasty onward."[100] The gender roles prescribed in the Three Obediences and Four Virtues became a cornerstone of the family, and thus, societal stability. Starting from the Han period, Confucians began to teach that a virtuous woman was supposed to follow the males in her family: the father before her marriage, the husband after she marries, and her sons in widowhood. In the later dynasties, more emphasis was placed on the virtue of chastity. The Song dynasty Confucian Cheng Yi stated that: "To starve to death is a small matter, but to lose one's chastity is a great matter."[101] Chaste widows were revered and memorialised during the Ming and Qing periods. This "cult of chastity" accordingly condemned many widows to poverty and loneliness by placing a social stigma on remarriage.[100]

For years, many modern scholars have regarded Confucianism as a sexist, patriarchal ideology that was historically damaging to Chinese women.[102][103] It has also been argued by some Chinese and Western writers that the rise of neo-Confucianism during the Song dynasty had led to a decline of status of women.[101] Some critics have also accused the prominent Song neo-Confucian scholar Zhu Xi for believing in the inferiority of women and that men and women need to be kept strictly separate,[104] while Sima Guang also believed that women should remain indoors and not deal with the matters of men in the outside world.[105][106] Finally, scholars have discussed the attitudes toward women in Confucian texts such as Analects. In a much-discussed passage, women are grouped together with xiaoren (小人, literally "small people", meaning people of low status or low moral) and described as being difficult to cultivate or deal with.[107][108][109] Many traditional commentators and modern scholars have debated over the precise meaning of the passage, and whether Confucius referred to all women or just certain groups of women.[110][111]

Further analysis suggests, however, that women's place in Confucian society may be more complex.[100] During the Han dynasty period, the influential Confucian text Lessons for Women (Nüjie), was written by Ban Zhao (45–114 CE) to instruct her daughters how to be proper Confucian wives and mothers, that is, to be silent, hard-working, and compliant. She stresses the complementarity and equal importance of the male and female roles according to yin-yang theory, but she clearly accepts the dominance of the male. However, she does present education and literary power as important for women. In later dynasties, a number of women took advantage of the Confucian acknowledgment of education to become independent in thought.[100]

Joseph A. Adler points out that "Neo-Confucian writings do not necessarily reflect either the prevailing social practices or the scholars' own attitudes and practices in regard to actual women."[100] Matthew Sommers has also indicated that the Qing dynasty government began to realise the utopian nature of enforcing the "cult of chastity" and began to allow practices such as widow remarrying to stand.[112] Moreover, some Confucian texts like the Chunqiu Fanlu 春秋繁露 have passages that suggest a more equal relationship between a husband and his wife.[113] More recently, some scholars have also begun to discuss the viability of constructing a "Confucian feminism".[114]

Ever since Europeans first encountered Confucianism, the issue of how Confucianism should be classified has been subject to debate. In the 16th and the 17th centuries, the earliest European arrivals in China, the Christian Jesuits, considered Confucianism to be an ethical system, not a religion, and one that was compatible with Christianity.[115] The Jesuits, including Matteo Ricci, saw Chinese rituals as "civil rituals" that could co-exist alongside the spiritual rituals of Catholicism.[115]

By the early 18th century, this initial portrayal was rejected by the Dominicans and Franciscans, creating a dispute among Catholics in East Asia that was known as the "Rites Controversy."[116] The Dominicans and Franciscans argued that Chinese ancestral worship was a form of idolatry that was contradictory to the tenets of Christianity. This view was reinforced by Pope Benedict XIV, who ordered a ban on Chinese rituals,[116] though this ban was re-assessed and repealed in 1939 by Pope Pius XII, provided that such traditions harmonize with the true and authentic spirit of the liturgy.[117]

Some critics view Confucianism as definitely pantheistic and nontheistic, in that it is not based on the belief in the supernatural or in a personal god existing separate from the temporal plane.[7][118] Confucius views about Tiān 天 and about the divine providence ruling the world, can be found above (in this page) and in Analects 6:26, 7:22, and 9:12, for example. On spirituality, Confucius said to Chi Lu, one of his students: "You are not yet able to serve men, how can you serve spirits?"[119] Attributes such as ancestor worship, ritual, and sacrifice were advocated by Confucius as necessary for social harmony; these attributes may be traced to the traditional Chinese folk religion.

Scholars recognise that classification ultimately depends on how one defines religion. Using stricter definitions of religion, Confucianism has been described as a moral science or philosophy.[120][121] But using a broader definition, such as Frederick Streng's characterisation of religion as "a means of ultimate transformation,"[122] Confucianism could be described as a "sociopolitical doctrine having religious qualities."[118] With the latter definition, Confucianism is religious, even if non-theistic, in the sense that it "performs some of the basic psycho-social functions of full-fledged religions."[118]

  • Chinese folk religion
  • Confucian art
  • Confucian church
  • Confucian view of marriage
  • Confucianism in Indonesia
  • Confucianism in the United States
  • Edo Neo-Confucianism
  • Family as a model for the state
  • Korean Confucianism
  • Korean shamanism
  • List of Confucian states and dynasties
  • Neo-Confucianism
  • Radical orthodoxy
  • Religious humanism
  • Temple of Confucius
  • Vietnamese folk religion
  • Vietnamese philosophy

  1. ^ Whether centred in the changeful precessional north celestial pole or in the fixed north ecliptic pole, the spinning constellations draw the wàn symbol around the centre.
  2. ^ The first was Michele Ruggieri who had returned from China to Italy in 1588, and carried on translating in Latin Chinese classics, while residing in Salerno.

  1. ^ Yao (2000), pp. 38–47.
  2. ^ a b c Fung (2008), p. 163.
  3. ^ a b Lin, Justin Yifu (2012). Demystifying the Chinese Economy. Cambridge University Press. p. 107. ISBN 978-0-521-19180-7.
  4. ^ Fingarette (1972), pp. 1–2.
  5. ^ a b Juergensmeyer, Mark (2005). Juergensmeyer, Mark (ed.). Religion in Global Civil Society. Oxford University Press. p. 70. doi:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195188356.001.0001. ISBN 978-0-19-518835-6. ...humanist philosophies such as Confucianism, which do not share a belief in divine law and do not exalt faithfulness to a higher law as a manifestation of divine will.
  6. ^ Fingarette (1972).
  7. ^ a b c Adler (2014), p. 12.
  8. ^ Littlejohn (2010), pp. 34–36.
  9. ^ a b c Adler (2014), p. 10.
  10. ^ a b Clart (2003), pp. 3–5.
  11. ^ a b c Tay (2010), p. 102.
  12. ^ Kaplan, Robert D. (6 February 2015). "Asia's Rise Is Rooted in Confucian Values". The Wall Street Journal.
  13. ^ "Confucianism | Religion | Yale Forum on Religion and Ecology". Fore.yale.edu.
  14. ^ Benjamin Elman, John Duncan and Herman Ooms ed. Rethinking Confucianism: Past and Present in China, Japan, Korea, and Vietnam (Los Angeles: UCLA Asian Pacific Monograph Series, 2002).
  15. ^ Yu Yingshi, Xiandai Ruxue Lun (River Edge: Global Publishing Co. Inc. 1996).
  16. ^ Billioud & Thoraval (2015), passim.
  17. ^ Yao (2000), p. 19.
  18. ^ a b Eno, Robert (1990). The Confucian Creation of Heaven: Philosophy and the Defense of Ritual Mastery (1st ed.). State University of New York Press. ISBN 978-0-7914-0191-0.
  19. ^ a b Zhou (2012), p. 1.
  20. ^ Yao (2000), pp. 52–54.
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  22. ^ Didier (2009), passim and p. 3, Vol. III, for the graphic interpretation of the character.
  23. ^ a b c d e Tay (2010), p. 100.
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  25. ^ Feuchtwang (2016), pp. 146–150.
  26. ^ Didier (2009), p. 256, Vol. III.
  27. ^ Mair, Victor H. (2011). "Religious Formations and Intercultural Contacts in Early China". In Krech, Volkhard; Steinicke, Marion (eds.). Dynamics in the History of Religions between Asia and Europe: Encounters, Notions, and Comparative Perspectives. Leiden: Brill. pp. 85–110. ISBN 978-90-04-22535-0. pp. 97–98, note 26.
  28. ^ Didier (2009), p. 257, Vol. I.
  29. ^ a b Didier (2009), passim.
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  37. ^ a b c d e f Feuchtwang (2016), p. 146.
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  53. ^ Wang Yangming, Instructions for Practical Living and Other Neo-Confucian Writings by Wang Yang-Ming, Wing-tsit Chan tran. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1963), 159.
  54. ^ William Theodore De Bary, Waiting for the Dawn: A Plan for the Prince (New York: Columbia University Press, 1993), 91–110.
  55. ^ See the discussion in 何冠彪 He Guanbiao, 生與死 : 明季士大夫的抉擇 (Taipei: Lianjing Chuban Shiye Gongsi, 1997).
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  58. ^ Sometimes "exemplary person." Roger T. Ames and Henry Rosemont, Jr., The Analects of Confucius: A Philosophical Translation. Paul Goldin translates it "noble man" in an attempt to capture both its early political and later moral meaning. Cf. "Confucian Key Terms: Junzi Archived 20 May 2014 at the Wayback Machine."
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  62. ^ Chen (2012), p. 105, note 45.
  63. ^ a b c Libbrecht (2007), p. 43.
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  66. ^ Didier (2009), p. 103, Vol. II.
  67. ^ Pankenier (2013), pp. 138–148, "Chapter 4: Bringing Heaven Down to Earth".
  68. ^ Didier (2009), passim Vol. I.
  69. ^ Didier (2009), pp. xxxvi–xxxvii, Vol. I.
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  71. ^ Zhou (2012), p. 2.
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Analects (Lun Yu)

  • Confucian Analects (1893) Translated by James Legge.
  • The Analects of Confucius (1915; rpr. NY: Paragon, 1968). Translated by William Edward Soothill.
  • The Analects of Confucius: A Philosophical Translation (New York: Ballantine, 1998). Translated by Roger T. Ames, Henry Rosemont.
  • The Original Analects: Sayings of Confucius and His Successors (New York: Columbia University Press, 1998). Translated by E. Bruce Brooks, A. Taeko Brooks.
  • The Analects of Confucius (New York: W.W. Norton, 1997). Translated by Simon Leys
  • Analects: With Selections from Traditional Commentaries (Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing, 2003). Translated by Edward Slingerland.

  • "Confucius". Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy.
  • "Neo-Confucian Philosophy". Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy.
  • Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy Entry: Confucius
  • Interfaith Online: Confucianism
  • Confucian Documents at the Internet Sacred Texts Archive.
  • Oriental Philosophy, "Topic:Confucianism"
Institutional
  • China Confucian Philosophy
  • China Confucian Religion
  • China Kongzi Network